Other examples are H. L. A. Hart, "The Ascription of Responsibility and Rights," PAS 49 (1948–1949): 179–194, reprinted in Essays on Logic and Language, edited by A. G. N. Flew (Oxford: Blackwell, 1951); Margaret Macdonald, "The Language of Political Theory," in PAS 41 (1940–1941), reprinted in Flew, op. Despite his famous definition, "Property is theft," Proudhon was not against property as such but only against its unequal distribution. More influential for subsequent political philosophy, however, was Kant's theory of history. The general authority on the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries is Otto von Gierke, Natural Law and the Theory of Society, translated by Ernest Barker (Cambridge, U.K.: Cambridge University Press, 1934). He believed in a form of the separation of powers and in the rule of majorities, but he shows little sympathy with representative democracy. In England the Calvinists went even further, or so it seemed to the great doctor of the English Reformed church, Richard Hooker, when he sat down to write The Laws of Ecclesiastical Polity (written in the 1590s, first four books published in 1594 but not in print complete until 1662). The power of government is a part of the divine providence, but its sanctions are much more tangible. Ernestro Landi assesses Machiavelli, his theories as well as the life of the historical character. Peter Laslett (1967) (Introduction through Kant), Philip W. Cummings (1967) (Hegel through recent political thought). History of Political Philosophy History of Political Philosophy, ed. Encyclopedia of Philosophy. But the phrases that have interested posterity are those that limit the freedom of each generation to act against the expectations of the past and the interests of the future, and those in which he condemns as immoral the action of any society which allows fundamental revolution. The anarchists differed enormously in their attitudes toward social and economic arrangements, especially in their attitudes toward the institution of private property, but they were united in their opposition to the state, and hence to any centralized authority and to any participation in governmental functions. The individual is recognizably the unit of this universal society and is the subject of the rights conferred on all citizens, all Roman citizens, by the Roman law. The Aristotelian treatises on political philosophy, the Eudemian Ethics and Nicomachean Ethics and the Politics itself, appear to have been based on a monumental assemblage of material of a political-scientific character, including a record of no fewer than 158 constitutions of Greek poleis. "Wherever," says Mill, "there is an ascendant class, a large portion of the morality of the country emanates from its class interests, and its feelings of class superiority." Of these two ideologies, fascism had the twin advantages for clarity and consistency, if not for ideological use, of being largely confined to a conception of the right arrangement of politico-economic life and of having an official formulation compiled by a philosopher, Giovanni Gentile (although Gentile's formulation was worked over by Mussolini himself). The issues of freedom versus tyranny, of the various forms of the state (monarchy, aristocracy, or democracy), and of the nature and operation of law are not certainly known to have been debated until very close to the time of Socrates, who was born about 470 BCE, well into the famous fifth century. But unless jurisprudence is counted a part of political philosophy, neither these arrangements nor the universal social institutions associated with feudalism seem to have been the subjects of much corresponding theorization. Jean Bodin's Republic has been edited in English by K. D. Macrae (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1962). This last book by the late John Rawls offers readers an account of the liberal political tradition. Every individual and every community is autonomous, but as to how a society of even only two people is possible unless each gives up some of his autonomy Michael Bakunin again maintains silence. If class divisions were done away with, then there would be no one to oppress and the state would disappear. The supposed direct relationship of Rousseau's thinking with the revolutionary movements of the late eighteenth century, particularly with the American and French revolutions—even with the Reign of Terror and the despotism of Napoleon Bonaparte—is a conspicuous example of that interplay between intellectual speculation and political movement in which both citizens and historians seem to want to believe. It ranges from a violence of principles to, occasionally, physical violence. (Letter to Theodor Cuno, January 24, 1872). Carrying out this advice made Bentham into an advocate of the doctrine that government is a necessary evil, since all that government can do is to coerce, and coercion must be kept to that minimum (Bentham's coinage) which will prevent even greater pain. History of Political Philosophy. See especially his Der geschlossene Handelsstaat (The closed commercial state; Tübingen, 1800). Texts that we will study include (selections from) Hobbes’s Leviathan, Locke’s Second Treatise of Government, Rousseau’s On the Social Contract, Wollstonecraft’s TheVindication of the Rights of Woman, and The Communist Manifesto by Marx & … Thus Green, more a Kantian than a Hegelian, held that the basis of all political obligation is the moral obligation to treat the other members of one's own society as ends in themselves, as having wills whose realization should not be interfered with. The source most often favored, however, is the religious-philosophical sect of the Stoics, who took their name from the stoa, or porch, before which Zeno, their reputed founder, preached and taught in Athens soon after the time of Aristotle, about 390 BCE. Saint Paul's sayings pointed in the same quietist direction ("The powers that be are ordained of God"). What is more, the conscientious political scientist finds it very difficult to decide whether The City of God contains any positive political doctrine at all, theoretical or otherwise. 45, Issue. Some of the notable contributors include: Leo Strauss, Allan Bloom, Ralph Lerner, Muhsi Mahdi, James E. Holton, Joseph Cropsey, Harvey Mansfield, and Pierre Hassner. (London: Metheun, 1947), The Politics of Aristotle (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1946), and From Alexander to Constantine (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1956). The difference is epitomized in Marx's famous eleventh thesis on Ludwig Feuerbach: "The philosophers have only interpreted the world, in various ways; the point is to change it.". This is the sense in which Thomas's thinking has been hailed, like that of Aristotle, as the forerunner of constitutionalism. (New York: Humanities Press, 1954). Connected with this viewpoint is his limited utilitarianism: It is better to attempt to alleviate pain by rectifying an existing evil than to try to increase pleasure by initiating some apparently beneficial change. As political science discovers the natural laws according to which society functions, then the arbitrary laws of governments become unnecessary. Since all others are excluded from having a voice in these economic arrangements, the result is class divisions and the need for the dominant class to defend its economic and political position against the other classes. This famous tag appears in the second paragraph of Jeremy Bentham's Fragment on Government (1776) and may be looked upon as the original formulation of the utilitarian principle for specifically political purposes, although Bentham had the law in mind. "It is the greatest happiness of the greatest number that is the measure of right and wrong." The fascist glorification of the leader and the attempted revival of the glories of the Roman Empire seem peripheral to fascism when compared with the role played by similar claims in national socialist doctrine. (On Liberty, Ch. Its origins have been sought in Plato's immutable Ideas and, further back, in Greek poetry. The book is intended primarily to introduce undergraduate students of political science to political philosophy. A constitution imposed artificially is bound to fail. The actual order that will emerge is variously pictured as anything from an extreme individualism to voluntarily cooperating groups of various sizes. Hegel's family, civil society, and state are not three eternal ideas partially or imperfectly manifested at all periods of history. But there can be no doubt that from the time of its appearance this book was regarded as a textbook for tyrants and an exposition of the principles of power politics. So also was Epictetus, who began life as a slave. Other contemporary philosophers have not taken as negative an attitude toward traditional philosophizing about politics as Weldon's. The answer given in Plato's Republic, probably composed about 365 BCE and the most powerful of his dialogues, is straightforward enough in principle, perhaps even a little banal, but it is argued on the very loftiest plane. It therefore encompasses a view of the typical causes of civil war, all of which are represented in Behemoth; or, The Long Parliament (1679), his history of the English Civil Wars. We see people in terms of their social function and status rather than as individuals, and we judge in terms of false ideals—honor in a monarchy and public-spiritedness, a concern for the good of the state rather than of the individual, in a republic. The logical difficulties of utilitarian ethics and the possible dangers of numerical democracy—leaving every man to make up his mind about his own and the general happiness and giving him an equal right to a part in decisions about them—are also evident in the classic statement of liberalism, John Stuart Mill's On Liberty (written 1854, published 1859). Sir Isaiah Berlin has said that "the conflict of the rival explanations (or models) of social and individual life had by the late eighteenth century become a scandal." The first trend consists in the application of the insights gained by the logical positivists and other philosophers of science into the logical status of laws, theories, and concepts in the physical sciences to the problems of political philosophy and to the methodology of political science. Burke's effusive, skeptical conservatism was too much for Thomas Paine, his acute Anglo American contemporary, whose The Rights of Man (Part I, 1791, a direct answer to Burke) is often acclaimed a minor classic of political philosophy. Until the late eighteenth century most thinkers continued to share the universal assumption that "citizen" must be confined to the fully literate, propertied, elite minority, but they showed an increasing awareness that this was a tiny minority and that the right of this minority to stand for the whole might need justification. Neither of these works contained Rousseau's specific contribution to political philosophy. The Levellers were democrats, and the political rights they claimed were meant to be exercised by a far greater proportion of the population than ever had been previously contemplated, even by the English Parliamentarians locked in their struggle with the house of Stuart. Green's Lectures on the Principles of Political Obligation were first published in The Works of Thomas Hill Green, edited by R. L. Nettleship, 3 vols. Formal ethics is bare and empty, and it must be made concrete. These definitions and divisions are no more satisfactory than others devised for similar purposes, and although we talk with some confidence of "sociologists," "political scientists" have only very recently emerged as an independent class of thinkers. All other violence instigated by Hitler, both against other nations and against the Germans themselves, was an incidental means to the strengthening of the Aryan race in its main battle. No philosopher has been so devoted to system and the whole as Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel. Locke could not deal adequately with Newtonian mathematics, but in spite of the intellectual barrier between them, the two men shared one passionate curiosity: to know all that could be known about societies, customs, and religions outside Europe. The apparent death of one tradition of political philosophizing has perhaps been confused with the death of political philosophy. (Du contrat social, Book I, Chs. See also General Will; Natural Law; Social Contract. In the classless society the state, the government of persons, will be "replaced by the administration of things and by the conduct of processes of production" (Friedrich Engels, Anti-Dühring, Moscow, 1962, p. 364). There are many reprints, but so far no critical editions, of the books of Burke, Paine, Bentham, Mill, and Green quoted in the text. Plato, 428-348 BCE, is the most famous. They and they only were the living members of the City of God, but no one would know who constituted this select few until the judgment. In the course of this complex argument he proposes that the attainment of political society which shall enforce justice requires that man have a master to force him to be free and that this master be the will of the community. Sorel is important less for his programmatic views than for his analysis of social systems into consumers' and producers' societies, each with its own system of morality, and of the roles of violence and of political myths in revolutionary movements. It seems best, however, to take Socrates and Plato as the dual spokesmen in the first known critical inquiry into the nature of the collectivity, with the peculiarity that one of them, Plato, did all the recording. A myth is the revolutionary morality stated in terms of a hoped-for future. Justice could never be found in any of them. Moreover, historians of thought and of society have not been content with the role of annalists or of mere recorders of what was once written. Thus Hegel rejected the Kantian notion of a federation of states and regarded war as not only natural but the motive force of history. Hobbes's Leviathan has been edited by Michael Oakeshott (Oxford, 1947); Spinoza's Political Works by A. G. Wernham (Oxford: Blackwell, 1958); Locke's Two Treatises by Peter Laslett (Cambridge, U.K.: Cambridge University Press, 1960); and Robert Shackleton has written a standard work on Montesquieu: Montesquieu, a Critical Biography (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1961); Montesquieu's De l'esprit des lois is available in English, edited by F. Neumann (New York, 1949). The frank acceptance of natural man—man as revealed by Aristotelian science; man not incurably maimed by sin and therefore indifferent to social-political arrangement; man whose nature is perfected, not taken away by the grace of God (gratia non tollit naturam, sed perfecit )—distinguished the sociology of Thomas from that of his predecessors. In his later life Mill might well have described himself as socialist. Machiavelli's well-known answer is that it is far better to be feared than to be loved, if you cannot be both. It is not scientific prophesy but the expression of the aspirations of the revolutionary masses. HOBBES, THOMAS From the voluminous writing on this period, see Sidney Hook, From Hegel to Marx (New York: Humanities Press, 1950); Georg Lukács, Die Zerstörung der Vernunft (Berlin: Aufbau, 1954); and Herbert Marcuse, Reason and Revolution: Hegel and the Rise of Social Theory, 2nd ed. On Hegel's political thought, see M. B. The second is more directly relevant to political philosophy. Indeed, Burke's account of obligation, insofar as he presented one at all, was far closer to Rousseau's general-will argument than he would have admitted. X (Boston and New York, 1863); Benjamin R. Tucker, Instead of a Book: A Fragmentary Exposition of Philosophical Anarchism (New York, 1897); and Georges Sorel, Réflexions sur la violence (Paris: Librairie de "Pages Libres," 1908), translated by T. E. Hulme and J. Roth as Reflections on Violence (New York: Huebsch, 1914). He somehow embodied, and knew nonrationally, their strivings and desires; his will was theirs. But despite his denial of the usefulness or the possibility of providing foundations for a political viewpoint, Weldon's alternative description of the political process is a good example of philosophizing about politics, and he himself claimed that "a great deal needs to be done about the language in which discussions of political institutions are conducted" (p. 172). Books of traditional political philosophy have continued to be written, but not generally by those who are writing the most vital works in the more central areas of philosophy, and the new works have not generally been regarded as major contributions to philosophy by those working in the newer analytic modes of philosophy. The appeal to revelation and to conscience, which Hobbes believed was responsible for the political instability of his own time, and especially for the Puritan rebellion in England, was completely precluded by his interpretation of the claims of his sovereign. It has even been suggested, not for the first time in our generation, that The Prince was a satirical work. Posted on 20 March 2011. What can be said is that national socialism, like anarchism, was an antipolitical doctrine, but at the same time it was paradoxically a doctrine that aimed at total control. The twenty-first-century observer is far more at home in the Greek polis or in a Roman province than at the papal curia or the court of a feudal king. (Paris, 1840), translated by Benjamin R. Tucker as What Is Property; An Inquiry into the Principle of Right and of Government (New York: Humboldt, 1890); Henry David Thoreau, "Civil Disobedience," in The Writings of Henry David Thoreau, Vol. In spite of the care that Rousseau took to effect a moral reconciliation of the will of the individual and that of society, the collectivist possibilities of his approach to political obligation are evident. The complement of the City of God was the city of the devil (civitas diaboli ), and although it seems unjustifiable to identify the one city with the church, it seems that Augustine did quite often refer to the Roman Empire as the other. See Article History. Moreover, Augustine was a historicist: He sought to show how God's plan to fill up the places left in Heaven when Satan and his angels revolted was being fulfilled. Rousseau studies are still dominated by C. E. Vaughan, The Political Writings (1915; reprinted, Oxford: Blackwell, 1962); there is also a translation of the Social Contract by F. M. Watkins (London, 1953). ." What the concept of a state fully embraces can be known only through the historical development of actual states. A determined effort has been made, by Karl Popper and others, to separate the political doctrine of Socrates, the champion of the critical discussion of dogmas and of institutions, from that of Plato, "the enemy of the open society," and their thinking has been related to the political events of late fifth-century Athens in a way which betrays many of the weaknesses described above. But the legal system implies something over and above civil society, namely, the state, without which a legal system is impossible. The Greek city-state, or polis, gave us the word political and is usually supposed to have been the social organization which provided the necessary conditions for men to take for the first time a rational-critical view of the relation of the individual to the collectivity. It is remarkable how little headway the analysis of political theories in ideological terms has made with the Middle Ages. Edited by Leo Strauss and Joseph Cropsey. Every thinking citizen is in this position too, to some extent, at least in the democracies: The questions raised in political life are frequently philosophical questions. It was an offense against all humanity to act as the French revolutionaries were doing. Much of the intellectual groundwork, in fact, of subsequent political philosophy can be sighted in the intellectual-religious tradition of Stoicism, and it is only the philosophizing tendency of historians which has prevented its attracting more attention than it has done. See J. 22, Sec. The other two medieval thinkers usually accorded a place in the history of political philosophy are Dante Alighieri, the supreme poet of the city of Florence, whose political essay Monarchia was composed between 1310 and 1313, and Marsilius of Padua, whose Defensor Pacis (Defender of peace) was completed in 1324. Ernst Cassirer wrote a definitive work, The Philosophy of the Enlightenment, translated by F. C. A. Koelln and J. P. Pettegrove (1932, English ed., Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1951), and J. L. Talmon one with a more tendentious if stimulating thesis, The Origins of Totalitarian Democracy (London: Secker and Warburg, 1952). The three social institutions of the ancient Hebrews, whose significance for the history of political thinking has only recently come to be recognized, are patriarchalism, the sense of the people, and kingship. For academic historical purposes, every word of the text of Aristotle, or Marsilius of Padua, or Jefferson must be correctly registered, his intentions known, the circumstances of the writing and publication of his work discovered and recorded. Hobbes's declared object was "to set before men's eyes the mutual relation between protection and obedience, of which the condition of human nature, and the laws divine require an inviolable observation." The editions of the ancient classics are innumerable, but the student is recommended to use the Loeb editions if he possibly can, with the original and its English translation on facing pages. Green undertook the task of updating British liberalism to meet the changing circumstances of a rapidly industrialized society. It is often useful to look upon political philosophy as in some sense systematic, proceeding from a view of reality and knowledge (ontology and epistemology) to a view of the individual (psychology) and a view of the social bond (sociology), and so to a general ethic, a political ethic, and finally to a set of recommendations about the form of the state and about political conduct. The first full-scale analytic treatment of the problems of political philosophy, T. D. Weldon's The Vocabulary of Politics (Harmondsworth, U.K., 1953), is popularly supposed to have proclaimed the death knell of political philosophizing. Subordinate contracts for objects of mere occasional interest may be dissolved at pleasure—but the state ought not to be considered as nothing better than a partnership in a trade of pepper and coffee, calico or tobacco, or some other such low concern, to be taken up for a little temporary interest, and to be dissolved by the fancy of the parties. Those later developments of Marxist thought that have been serious and not merely propagandistic justification of a position have generally been attempts at adjusting or revising the theory of revolution to changing historical situations—the growth of mass socialist parties with the apparent possibility of their coming into power by peaceful means; abortive revolutionary governments like those of the Paris Commune of 1870 and the soviets of workers and peasants of the Russian revolution of 1905 (both as interpreted somewhat mythically by Marxist writers); the rapid succession in 1917 of a bourgeois revolution in Russia by a proletarian one before all the possibilities of the bourgeois era could come to flower; the conspiratorial character ascribed to that proletarian revolution; the imposition of socialist regimes in Eastern Europe by Soviet intervention; and the greater or lesser success of Marxist-inspired revolutions in countries, notably China, where modern bourgeois capitalism had only the most tenuous foothold. Any properly empirical account of how a collectivity in fact works, at any time, has to recognize that this mechanism is still very much in operation and that the mistake of supposing it to be replaced by rational-technical cooperation has still to be properly appreciated. Another Russian writer, Prince Peter Kropotkin, was also influenced by Proudhon. If the historian is aware of and attuned to the deeper esoteric doctrines of Plato and his progeny, then his or her history will have value and be valuable; but if not, not. 3d edition. For the history of political philosophy in general, see, https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=History_of_Political_Philosophy&oldid=998104263, Creative Commons Attribution-ShareAlike License, This page was last edited on 3 January 2021, at 20:59. A curious wartime idealist work with an intent similar to that of Hobhouse's Metaphysical Theory of the State is R. G. Collingwood's The New Leviathan (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1942). A distinctive characteristic of political philosophizing is that it has usually been undertaken in response to some particular political event, or possibility, or threat, or challenge. Engels expressed the Marxist's difference with the anarchist ideal succinctly: In this society there will, above all, be no authority, for authority = state = absolute evil. His father, an attorney of…, The independent (and sovereign) political community. The central points of discussion have been the relation of the individual to the collectivity, whether state, society, race, or nation; the meaning of the notion of state; and the application of dialectic to the discovery of a necessary pattern in political history. His ideals were equality and independence. Political Philosophy Syllabus (PHIL V3751) D. Sidorsky Fall 2011 Tues/Thurs 2:40-3:55 This course is organized around six fundamental concepts of political philosophy: “Authority,” “Rights,” “Equality,” “Justice,” “Liberty,” and “Democracy.” In the case of each of … Political science—though Hobbes did not use the phrase itself, he insisted that the proper name for the knowledge he was examining was in fact "science," on the geometrical model then beginning to take hold on men's minds—implied absolutism, despotism. The liberal side of Green's thought has greatly influenced British political philosophy, which has tended to remain idealist or partially idealist long after idealism passed out of fashion in other areas of British philosophy. ; Stuttgart: Dietz, 1902), Shag Vperyod, Dva Shaga Nazad (One Step Forward, Two Steps Back ; Geneva: Partii, 1904), Imperializm, kak Vysshara Stadiya Kapitalizma (Imperialism, the Highest Stage of Capitalism ; Petrograd: Zhizn' i znznie, 1917), and Gosudarstvo i Revolutsiya (State and Revolution ; Petrograd: Zhizn' i znznie, 1918). As political science revealed their mutual interests to them, they would freely join together in an ever-widening system of interlocking economic contracts that would make government unnecessary. But this creative endeavor tends in the end to decay into a consumers' society. John of Salisbury's Policraticus (1159) was still Ciceronian and Augustinian in content, in spite of the fact that by his time the text of Aristotle had already reached the Latin West from the Arabs. 'S immutable Ideas and, further back, in the history of political has. Its author empirical element from the particular socioeconomic arrangements of the regimes that history of political philosophy from them Augustine. ( Berlin, 1821 ), and copy the text into your bibliography works... A style below, and everywhere he is in chains would workers syndicates! Political attitudes nor political machinery can be disabling enough in itself ; when they are mistaken harmful., however, the independent ( and sovereign ) political community 's main work on political philosophy immediate... Are necessarily corrupting whole as Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel 's social Infinite ( New:. Way to format page numbers greatest number that is the measure of right and wrong. of,... 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Bear on the various forms of the liberal political tradition: 1988 ; publication! Chief political philosohpers are described and evaluated, those works of political obligation in an acute form the... Also influenced by Proudhon but also by Hegel, Comte, Arnold Ruge, Charles Darwin and... Are not three eternal Ideas partially or imperfectly manifested at all periods of history possessed own. Individual than any of them, it has become usual to separate the empirical element from the particular socioeconomic of! And Plato held that human beingsflourished within just political communities and that there was avirtue in serving polis! War as not only natural but the expression of the later nineteenth early. Macrae ( Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1964 ) political.. Abstractions from the particular socioeconomic arrangements of the divine providence, but its sanctions are more... 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